Sims 4 Mod Eating Disorder

Sims 4 mod eating disorder is a mod that allows players to control characters with eating disorders, including anorexia and bulimia.

I am aware that there is many an excellent Anorexia/Bulimia/BED trait out there in the Sims 4 modding community, but I still wanted to see if I could interpret it decently on my own end. In addition, Avoidant/Restrictive Food Intake Disorder is something I haven’t seen covered much, and as someone who has it I’d like to expand that potential for representation. If there is any insensitivity present in the buffs and interactions of this mod that haven’t been caught by the initial moderation pass, please let me know and I will do my best to fix it.

Aww, as a fellow Sims player with an eating disorder, it’s lovely to hear that it helped you! My gameplay is often clearly related to my ED - I like to start out with a skinny Sim and then make them binge on junk food all day and watch them gain weight. Now that I wrote it it seems super creepy, but such is the food and body shape obsession that comes with EDs. I have a similar story, although my Sims game became ‘triggering’ when I was starting recovery from anorexia. I usually don’t play a family long enough to notice much change in their appearance, but after I dropped out of PHP I started the 100 baby challenge. I just let my Sims eat whatever, and because I often needed birthday cakes to age the kids the mom often had that. Then I realized she had gotten fat and I felt so distressed. I felt the same panic over watching my Sim gain weight that I felt when I gained weight. I got so mad at myself for getting so upset over a video game. She had like 15 kids at that point, wasn’t she allowed to get bigger? Not in my mind. I tried making her exercise to lose the weight, but it wasn’t working and I got frustrated when she’d be too pregnant to work out. Then I found out the Sims food has calories and that made me scared anytime I had to choose what she would cook. It brought me back to second guessing my own food choices. If she couldn’t have spaghetti without gaining, it must be the same for me, right? All of her kids were aging up chubby or fat and it was really bothersome, and every time I felt bothered by this I felt pathetic for letting myself feel bothered by a video game. I also used to have anorexia and still suffer from some anxiety but The Sims has helped me learn mindfulness better than any therapist. As I walk throughout my day and notice I’m not feeling my best I wonder about which of my meters is running low and then sleep, eat, or reach out to friends. I definitely feel like The Sims can help with mental illness especially if one is too detached from reality thanks to the disease to figure it out on their own. Have you ever tried Sims 4 Mods? All advanced players around the globe are fascinated by these additional options, which can solve various occurring issues. If you want to become a leading gamer, Sims 4 Mods can be the key to success and make this happen faster. All you need to do is pick the needed file and simply add it to your game. This provides you with unseen features and enables you to deal with your workload in a smarter way. There are so many different Sims 4 mods on our site that you will need some time to try at least some of them. But it’s definitely worth every second spent because your game is being lifted to the whole new level. Every Sims 4 mod of our database is the highest quality and meets the strictest requirements. This ensures that our visitors get access only to the most exclusive and useful files. One of the best things we can offer for our visitors is unlimited access to the vast variety of extra files, which provides a wide range of benefits. It’s a significant surplus which is essential in being competitive. If that is your main goal, you should definitely try at least one file.

III-R (to be called DSM-IV) has set up tentative criteria for a binge-eating disorder, criteria that will encompass those individuals who have a significant problem with binge eating but who do not purge, thus not meeting criteria for bulimia nervosa. Most theorists realize that neither compulsive overeating nor obesity has been formally recognized as an eating disorder per se. Many, however, still include one or both in the context of discussions of eating disorders, with the idea that there are common areas of interest among these various categories of eating problems and that research and work in one area might benefit the others. In recent years, the incidence of these eating disorders has increased. In addition to this increase in prevalence, there has been a corresponding increased awareness of the eating disorders, which has resulted in a tremendous amount of research and literature in the eating disorders field. This book has been assembled with the aim of providing one volume that presents current knowledge on anorexia nervosa, bulimia nervosa, and obesity, and examines issues relevant to these disorders individually and collectively. This book will be of interest to those working directly with people with eating disorders, including counselors, psychologists, nurses, medical practitioners, psy­ chiatrists, and individuals working in eating disorders clinics and programs. Chapters in each of the three sections on anorexia nervosa, bulimia nervosa, and obesity contain discussions relevant to the etiology, course, and treatment of these eating disorders. Social workers and teachers will also find vital information necessary for understand­ ing eating disorders and for dealing with victims of eating disorders. Understanding Eating Disorders is an excellent source of current information on anorexia nervosa, bulimia nervosa, and obesity for the researcher. The contrib­ utors in individual chapters identify current research areas and suggest topics and fruitful areas for further research. Authors of the individual chapters are experts in their area of contribution. Thus, the book is a compilation of research from a group of experts who offer insight and guidance into the understanding, treatment, and prevention of eating disorders. The book is divided into four parts. Part 1 includes four chapters. The first chapter, “Eating Disorders: A Historical Perspective,” provides a foundation for the remainder of the book. Blinder and Chao show the gradual evolution of anorexia nervosa as a specific disease entity and point out current advances in the understanding and treatment of this disorder. They also discuss references throughout history to bulimia and trace the gradual acceptance of bulimia nervosa as a distinct syndrome. Finally, in their overview of the history of obesity, they note the effect of societal customs on attitudes toward obesity, the adverse health consequences of profound obesity, and the development of numerous slimming techniques. In the next chapter, “Critical Issues in the Developmental Psychopathology of Eating Disorders,” Smolak and Levine identify and discuss five critical issues in the emerging field of developmental psychopathology that need to be considered in models of eating disorders. Consideration and application of these developmental principles will lead to greater insights into etiology and into prevention, a relatively The three most commonly discussed eating disorders are anorexia nervosa, bu­ limia nervosa, and compulsive overeating/obesity. Anorexia nervosa, identified as a psychiatric syndrome for more than 100 years, was recognized in the American Psychiatric Association’s Diagnostic and Statistical Manual o f Mental Disorders {DSM-III, 1980) as a mental disorder. The DSM-III also recognized bulimia as a distinct diagnostic category, distinguishing it from anorexia nervosa; in 1987, the revised Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-III-R, 1987) changed the term to bulimia nervosa. Both anorexia nervosa and bulimia nervosa represent distinct diagnostic categories of eating disorders. The same cannot be said of either compulsive overeating or obesity. Compulsive overeating is a term that has been used to designate the pattern by which typically overweight patients binge but do not purge. Compulsive overeat­ ers often have a history of sustained overeating for a prolonged period of time. They do not attempt to counter the effects of the binges with vomiting or by using laxatives, diuretics, or exercise, and obesity results. Defined as an accumulation of excess body fat, obesity is used to designate a physical condition caused quite often by compulsive overeating. Currently, the Eating Disorders Work Group of the American Psychiatric Association’s Task Force in a revised edition of DSMxv More often than not, an eating disorder acts partly as a coping mechanism. Many who suffer from anorexia describe the need to “have control over something” in a world where they feel they otherwise do not. The restriction of food may provide a sense of security, structure, or order that feels reassuring. The “empty” feeling of a hungry stomach may become a measure of accomplishment for the day. that personality trait disturbances in parents and a higher familial prevalence of affective and impulsive disorders distinguished the bulimic group, thus establish­ ing the validity of a “typological differentiation of anorexia patients with bulimia from those normally defined as restricters” (p. 349). DeCosta and Halmi (1992), members of the Eating Disorders Work Group of the American Psychiatric Association’s Task Force on DSM-IV, examined the question of subtyping within anorexia nervosa for the patients who binge and purge and those who severely restrict food intake. Their literature review revealed consistent differences between restricting anorexics and bulimic anorexics as mentioned above; thus warranting a subclassification of anorexia nervosa into anorexia nervosa-bulimic type and anorexia nervosa-restricter type. Anorexia Nervosa and Weight Preoccupation Anorexia nervosa has struggled for recognition as a distinct clinical entity even after Gull (1874) and Lasegue (1873) recognized it as such in the late 19th century. Some who have questioned anorexia nervosa’s status as a discrete syndrome have suggested that anorexia nervosa represents an extreme point on a continuum of dieting behaviors, fear of fatness/pursuit of thinness, and starvation effects (Garfinkel & Gamer, 1982, p. 30). The view that anorexia nervosa represents an extreme point on a continuum of concern about weight results from the fact that many symptoms and behaviors of the anorexic occur as the result of dieting to lose weight. The question emerges, then, as to whether anorexia nervosa could be defined as dieting that has gotten out of hand. Hsu (1990) noted several reasons that seem to support such a definition. The population group showing the highest incidence of the disorder is also the most concerned with weight and dieting. Some individuals in nonclinical populations show a minor form of the disorder. The fact that amount of weight loss is used as a criterion for diagnosis suggests a continuity between dieting and anorexia nervosa. Many recovered anorexics are still preoccupied with dieting and weight, much like normal dieters. Also, the terms so often associated with anorexia nervosa—fear of fatness and pursuit of thinness—suggest a quantitative rather than a qualitative phenomenon (Hsu, 1990, p. 5). Many investigators have suggested anorexia nervosa’s existence along a con­ tinuum ranging from simple dieting to anorexia nervosa. Berkman (1948) sug­ gested such a continuum exists in which the individual appears thin and exhibits mild symptoms to cases where severe symptoms result in emaciation, with “no sharp diagnostic line” separating the former from the latter (p. 237). Loeb (1964) shared a similar opinion. Defining anorexia nervosa as a symptom complex rather than as a disease entity, Loeb (1964) suggested that anorexia nervosa should be viewed as existing on a continuum ranging from near normal situations scarcely worthy of psychiatric notice to those cases resulting in hospitalization and eventu­ ally in death. Fries (1977) studied 21 patients with true anorexia and 17 women

This mod has caused significant controversy, with some users arguing that it is glorifying an eating disorder and promoting body image issues in children.

(1991) advise caution in interpreting results of surveys that show vast body dissatisfaction or extreme weight loss methods to be common among adolescent girls and young women. Through a large ethnographic study of adolescent girls, they found that many reports of extreme behavior (e.g., self-induced vomiting) were descriptions of one-time trials. The point to be stressed is that although most girls talk about being overweight and their desire to be slimmer, our ethnographic data indicates that discourse about dieting practices (behavior) must be viewed critically. Media coverage of teen dieting behavior focuses on anorexics and bulimics whose stories make good press. Normal eating behavior as well as dieting behavior among the vast majority of adolescent girls remains unstudied. Survey reports regarding dieting, while misrepresenting actual behavior patterns, may reveal much about cultural values . . . girls often claim to be on diets because they think they should be (Nichter & Nichter, 1991, p. 265). Attempts to empirically explore Bruch’s concept of body image disturbance have been quite complex. Szmukler (1987), in a review of studies, found that they have “not produced consistent findings.” Furthermore, a number of variables, not related to the eating disorder, may also produce overestimation of body size (e.g., younger age, obesity, pregnancy) (p. 34). Shifting focus from individual psychology to family interaction, it has long been recognized that family interaction plays an important role in anorexia nervosa. In the 19th century, Lasegue and Charcot both recommended separation of the patient from the family (Vanderlinden & Vandereycken, 1989, p. 190). In modem times, the theories of Bruch on the negative parental impact on the development of the future anorexic have been discussed above. She saw these families as “enormously preoccupied with outer appearances” (Bruch, 1973, p. 82). Although these patients had a superficially congenial relationship to their parents, “actually it is too close, with too much involvement, without necessary separation and individuation” (Bruch, 1988, p. 7). We recognise body image and eating disorders are complex and understand that it may be helpful for you to contact our service more than once for support or guidance about your next steps. Please note that when we have high demand for the service, we may need to limit the frequency or length of your interactions with us. Sociocultural Perspectives,” Yuker and Allison report that attitudes toward obesity and obese persons are quite negative, especially for women. Furthermore, they discuss factors influencing these negative attitudes and the harmful consequences of such attitudes. Most importantly, they identify and discuss several meth­ odological issues that have arisen in studies of attitudes toward obesity and obese persons. For future research, Yuker and Allison suggest that studies of attitudes toward obesity and obese persons move beyond mere description of negative attitudes. Instead, studies should investigate moderators of the effects of these attitudes (both interpersonal and intrapersonal) and evaluate the efficacy of theorybased interventions to improve attitudes toward obese people. In “Obesity: Meth­ ods of Treatment,” Sitton examines various methods of treatment for obesity and offers insight into current treatment methods, focusing on behavioral approaches and relapse prevention. As for future research, Sitton urges the need for research techniques that do not rely on self-reports. We hope this volume will give a true picture of the relatedness of the eating disorders, will increase research in the individual disorders and in eating disorders collectively, and will facilitate interactions among those working with eatingdisordered patients. LeeAnn Alexander-Mott D. Barry Lumsden reason, with few exceptions, the following discussion will be confined to these groups. Some studies have suggested positive associations, lack of stigmatization, or less stigmatization of obesity among some African Americans (Sims, 1979; Styles, 1980), Mexican Americans (Lemer & Pool, 1972; Ritenbaugh, 1982; Ross & Mirowsky, 1983), and Puerto Ricans living in the United States (Massara, 1979, 1980; Massara & Stunkard, 1979). Stereotypes and anecdotal evidence suggesting greater desired body weight among minority groups, particularly African Americans, abound. For example, in an old blues tune, Ida Cox (a woman who was “plump” at most) sang “I’m a big fat mamma got some meat shakin’ on my bones and every time I shake some skinny girl loses her home.” In a recent music video, a rapper, “Sir Mixalot,” verbally and visually extols the virtues of women with large bottoms. However, we can find equally powerful anecdotal evidence suggesting the contrary. Rosemary Bray wrote an article in Essence, a popular magazine targeted toward black women. She stated: . . . imagine what it is like then to be a fat Black woman— to be, all at once, three of the worst things you can be in contemporary American culture . . . Big Black women are the caricature of excess. We are just too much to be tolerated, so excessive that we should be hidden, kept from view, trotted out only to be laughed at (1992, p. 90). Assuming that every adolescent who reports occasional dieting and has tried self-induced vomiting has an eating disorder is akin to assuming that every adolescent who reports having tried marijuana is a drug addict. Another methodological issue concerns the definition of obesity used. Many studies do not provide a definition of obesity to persons responding to the attitude measures; when descriptions based on weight are given, they vary widely. Thus, it is somewhat difficult to compare results across studies. Another problem can arise from the failure to distinguish between statistically significant differences and substantively meaningful differences. For example, Collins (1991) reported that black children preferred fatter figures than did white children but report no measure of effect size and do not even state the means for the two ethnic groups. Thus, the reader is unable to determine the importance of this “significant difference.” Some differences that are statistically significant may be so small that they are not meaningful. Measures Many studies of attitudes toward obese persons have used data obtained from inter­ views (Allon, 1979; Cahnman, 1968), survey questions (Ashwell & Etchell, 1974; Harris & Furukawa, 1986), ratings (Strauss et al., 1985), rankings (Counts, Jones, Frame, Jarvie, & Strauss, 1986; Lemer & Kom, 1972; Richardson et al., 1961), attribution of characteristics to obese persons (Chetwynd et al., 1974), or sociometric techniques (Strauss et al., 1985) rather than from attitude scales. Most of these studies failed to present information pertaining to the reliability or validity of the data. Price, Desmond, and Hallinan (1987) pointed out that the way questions are worded can influence the specific response that is given, particularly to questions about weight. The studies used various stimuli to evoke the attitudinal responses and differ­ ent words to describe obese individuals. Some studies asked direct questions Much has been written about attitudes toward and beliefs about obesity and obese persons. Research studies have been done and discussions have been held of the attitudes of nonobese people, obese people, children, educators, employers, pro­ fessionals, and so forth. The purpose of this chapter is to summarize and interpret this research, with an emphasis on variables correlated with these attitudes and beliefs. Although we will briefly offer and evaluate some putative explanations for ethnic and social class differences in obesity rates, that material was covered in more detail by Rand in chapter 11. ATTITUDES AND BELIEFS ABOUT OBESE PEOPLE It is often stated that attitudes of nonobese children and adults toward those who are obese are negative and discriminatory (Allon, 1982; Goodman, Richardson, Dombusch, & Hastorf, 1963; Horan, 1981; Matthews & Westie, 1966; RichardWe gratefully acknowledge Angelique Fournier and Rebecca Amaru for their efforts in the technical preparation of this chapter and Meryl Allison for her helpful comments on an earlier draft. 243 I always considered it somewhat normal, like that was what “slim” people had to look like, until I started marrying my Sims to the EA-premade ones. I noticed how mine looked almost malnourished compared to their spouses and some of their kids, and the image in my head of what normal-weight and healthy people should look like began to change.